|
History
The history of this
district is similar to that of other districts of the lower
Sindh region. The major portion of Thar desert was in occupation
of Parmar Rajputs named sodha and portion from east Chachro
to Gadra and some area of Taluka Umerkot and Taluka Khipro
of Sanghar District known as Khaor was ruled by Rathors. Sumras,
a branch of Parmar Rajputs, possessed a portion of Mithi and
Diplo talukas west of Chachro known as Deirak Pargna. When
Mehmood Ghaznavi led expeditions on Somnath, it is believed
that he passed through this desert a number of times.
In 1053 the Sumras embraced
Islam taking advantage of the weak control of the Ghazni rule,
broke off their allegiance and succeeded in establishing a
chief of their own as an independent ruler of the eastern
delta. Sumras of desert also acted similarly, claimed to be
independent and captured Umerkot making it their capital.
They then extended their rule practically to the entire desert.
But it appears that the Sultans at Delhi continued to reassert
their authority and Sumras were punished by Ghiyas-uddin and
then by his son Muhammad Shah. In 13th or 14th century another
Rajput tribe named Samma con- verted to Islam. In 1353 Sammas
set up Jam Umer at Thatta as their ruler. The line ended with
Jam Feroze who was defeated by Shah Baig Arghun in 1529.
In 1558 the Kalhora family rose into prominence. In the times
of Noor Muhammad Kalhora a Baloch tribe of Talpur came into
prominence in 1778. The struggle for power en- sued between
Kalhoras and Talpurs and in 1783 Mir Fateh Ali Khan first
of the Talpur line established himselfas Rais ofSindh and
obtained afarman from the Afghan King Shah Zaman for his Government.
It was in 1843 when Sir Charles Napier became Victor of Sindh
and this part was merged into katch Political Agency and Hyderabad
Collectorate. Later on in 1858 the entire area became part
of Hyderabad. Subsequently in 1860 it was renamed as "Eastern
Sindh Frontier" with its Head Quarters at Umerkot handled
by Political Superintendent. In 1882 it was renamed as District
and its administrative head was Deputy Commissioner. Lastly
in 1906 Head Quarters of the District was shifted to Mirpurkhas.
Now in recent arrangements i.e. in December, 1990 district
Tharparkar was bifurcated into two districts -Mirpurkhas and
Thar- with its Head Quarters at Mithi. In October, 1993 the
name of present district was again notified as Tharparkar.
Ethnicity/Tribe
Tharparkar has a highly heterogenous
population. Until the early 1960 almost 80 percent of the
population was Hindu, but in the war of 1965 and 1971 with
India a mass exchange of population took place giving Tharparkar
a Muslim predominance.
The population can be divided into 'three main classes, Rajputs,
which include Muslim and Hindu tribes, Baloch and aboriginal
Dravadian tribes.
Of the ruling class, the Rajputs
are related to the warrior Lords of Rajasthan, In Thar they
are represented by their descendants the Sodhas and Thakurs
the larger towns as landowners.
The Balochs are mainly from
the Khosa tribe who turned to brigandage in Tharparkar late
in the eighteenth Century when their Kalhora leaders were
supplanted as rulers of Sindh by another Baloch tribe, the
Talpur. When the British conquered the Talpur in 1943 they
converted the war like Khosa into Police and through them
established law and order in a region of endemic fending and
looting.
Among non-Baloch mostly are
Samats and its sub-casts like Sama, Soomras. Besides, there
are Syed, Panwahar, Halepota, Junejas, Theba, Langa, Sand,
Sameja, Rahama. Neharia etc.
The urban middle class of Tharparkar
consists of Hindu Lohana and Bania, castes devoted to business
and commerce. Their Muslim counterparts, the Memon community,
have established themselves at Provincial level in business
and the professions. They (Lohana.\' and Banias) retain a
dominant hold over the lower classes -Muslim and Hindu alike
-through debt bondage. .
Among the labouring classes
the Muslim woodworkers, the kS'uthar, and the Hindu Lohar,
or metalworkers enjoy a privileged position and would not
consider themselves working class at all. Likewise Bajeer
and Khaskeli Muslims pride themselves on their personal service
to former rulers -Bajeer is a degeneration of Wazeer (Minister),
used euphemistically to disguise slavery.
These artisans are set apart
from the Hindu outcastes, most prominent among whom in Thar
are the Menghwar, descendants of Jat nomadic herders of Sindh
who settled as leather workers and landless farm labourers
for the rulers. The Menghwar have largely abandoned leather
work, and have devoted themselves to less demeaning skills
such as weaving. Menghwar have taken special advantage of
the spread of education in Thar and are increasingly repre-
sented in the professions as well as in clerical positions
in the developing district administration.
The Bheels in Thar have retained
the nomadic instincts of their Jat forebears; they regularly
migrate with their herds and families to the irrigated areas
for seasonal labour, occupying their villages in Thar during
the short planting season. Finally the Kohlis, descendants
of the hunting and gathering population once subsisted on
Thar's abundant fauna, fruit and wild products such as honey.
Although the only original inhabitants of Thar (all the remainder
have coronised in historical times), the Kohlis are now the
poorest and least established. They enjoyed a period of respect
as soldier for the pre-British rulers, but now with the disappearance
of game, are reduced to making the painful adjustment to herding
and farming.
Culture, Customs and Traditions
Shah Latif portrayed whatever
he searched out in the passionate lyricism with seven characters,
all women symbolizing the determination for upholding 'truth'
in an antagonistic status-quo largely directed by ever changing
tide of time.
Tharparkar is the central theme of this classical text consummated
by the fascinating lyric and rhythm, Marvi a local Thari girl
symbolizes the human attachment and relation ship with the
institutions and traditions. The history of Tharparkar, in
letter and spirit, is the account of this sentimental humanoid
attachment and its reaction towards the changing nature of
social fabric.
The indigenous myth and measures
to cope with calamities like draught and dearth were loosing
their potential in the wake ofstrong influence of cash economy.
The fascinating colour of grazing lands and the romantic instinct
of tending the flocks of cattle are diffusing in the mushrooming
needs of daily life.
The tribes and castes in Tharparkar
adopt a kaleidoscopic settlement pattern rather than territorial
segregation. Successive waves of invasion have therefore created
a mosaic of cultures and ethnic groups in Thar. But all have,
in time, bowed to similar means of producion and to a common
material culture.
The Tharis are honest, hard-working
people and are very generous in hospitality. The gatherings
between castes is largely restricted to men. The locale for
such interactions being the "autak". Each hamlet
will have at least one "autak" situated a discrete
distance beyond the thorn hedge of the family quarters. Failing
an "autak" the nearest shady tree is designated
for meetings with outsiders.
Women largely communicate within
their own caste, within which they marry exclusively. Opportunities
for meeting women ofother castes become more restricted with
higher status. Rajput women observe strickpurdah (seclusion)
while poorer Bajeer, Bheel, Menghwar and Kohli are freer to
undertake their field tasks.
|
